Neil van Leeuwen. Religion as Make-Believe: A Theory of Belief, Imagination, and Group Identity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2023.
Neil Van Leeuwen’s scholarship centers around the philosophy of the mind, psychology, and cognitive sciences. Unsurprisingly, many of his previous publications (articles and chapters) centered around cognitive science as it relates to belief, imagination, and religion. As such, Religion as Make-Believe is a monograph that synthesizes ideas dispersed through his 31+ publications. In this sense alone, Van Leeuwen’s book is an achievement. Even so, with such a rich publication history (he seems to have taken the “Publish or perish” adage very seriously, and he clearly did not perish), scholars may be familiar with his previous work. Before I begin summarizing and reviewing, let me say this: I highly recommend reading Van Leeuwen’s Religion as Make-Believe even if you are already familiar with his previous publications. Indeed, some material might sound familiar, but his 2023 monograph brings together disparate threads into a single, coherent narrative.
Per typical reviews at The Biblical Review, I first provide a detailed summary, focusing not just on key points but also on capturing the flow and style of Religion as Make-Believe. Subsequently, I critique various aspects of his work and highlight avenues of research that others might consider pursuing based on his work.
Summary
In the prologue, Van Leeuwen details a parable to distinguish between religious credence and factual belief. Through the book, he articulates, details, and argues for the phenomena in this parable. This parable narrates how a group of kids “play make-believe on the playground” (1) and involves doll characters with powers, conflicts between those doll characters, an area of the playground designated “their special place to play” (2), character conflicts and events reflecting the kids’ conflicts and experiences, and narrative innovations. At this point, Van Leeuwen pauses to “highlight the cognitive features behind the children’s activities that constitute them (in part) as make-believe or pretending” (4):
- Two-Map Cognitive Structure
- “The first map guides the pretender’s movements in relation to represented physical features of the surrounding situation” (5); that is, kids must manipulate the dolls to speak for the dolls because dolls fundamentally cannot speak on their own.
- “The second map represents the make-believe world” (5), namely, the storyline and superagent representations.
- Nonconfusion
- Even with the two-map cognitive structure, make-believe and pretending necessitate not confusing these two maps. Van Leeuwen highlights that most children do not confuse these maps; however, “the second map – the imagined one – also has emotional significance” (6). To this end, we are better off saying that pretenders responding to an aspect of the second map, the imaginary map, implies the “map is emotionally significant to the pretender (as opposed to ‘real to her’)” (7).
- Continual Reality Tracking
- This idea is that even when pretending, the pretender continually tracks reality so as to coordinate “the when and where of collective pretending” (8), a feature that is always at play. In Van Leeuwen’s parable, “the kids need to have mental representations that keep them aware of the mundane features of the ordinary world to interact with those features, even when one is using them to create make-believe” (8).
Van Leeuwen continues the parable. In this portion, he narrates how even after discontinuing this make-believe play in teenage years, the dolls become part of the kids’ lives again: after a divorce, one of the kids has a supernatural-like experience with one of the dolls that brings the kid a moment of peace; after discussion, the friends decide to meet on the playground again to play with the dolls; this results in new storylines with deeper meanings, significances, and principles within the imagined world. As adults, two group members marry and write The Book of Powers, which the married couple primarily writes and the other group members comment on. Their book results in a national movement, for which some groups were extremist and caused social problems. Finally, the married couple from the group, now old, continually ensure they always have a room for the doll characters as a reminder of the doll saying, “You are not alone.” (14).
Having framed the book via this parable, Van Leeuwen puts forward the central claim regarding psychological states called “beliefs” and “the relation between ‘beliefs’ (of various sorts) and imagination” (14). In particular, Van Leeuwen’s central argument is that “many religious beliefs are imaginings of the sort that guide make-believe play, though they are imaginings that become central to the religious actor’s identity and guide symbolic actions that express sacred values” (15).
Here, Van Leeuwen uses various sorts of beliefs – not a unified understanding of belief – to account for the different co-existing beliefs on different levels of the two-map cognitive structure. With this framework, Van Leeuwen suggests that this make-believe structure is at play in religion in two ways: 1) as the distinct attitude thesis, wherein “factual belief and religious credence both exist and are distinct cognitive attitudes; and 2) the imagination thesis, that “religious credence differs from factual belief in many of the same fundamental ways that fictional imagining does” (15). As such, Van Leeuwen explains that the book will show how imagining (make-believe) is akin to religious credence. Finally, Van Leeuwen notes that his work aims not to categorize all religious beliefs as religious credence but rather “to provide the expressive power to identify and explain important differences where differences exist” (17).
In Chapter One, Van Leeuwen sets the stage by exploring and articulating the differences between attitude and content. Such a distinction is key to thinking “about the attitude dimension of psychological states independently of other dimensions” (18). “Attitude” for Van Leeuwen is “a way of processing ideas,” and ideas constitute the content (18). Notably, attitude in this book is distinct from attitude in social psychology: whereas social psychology encompasses various components, this study uses attitude within cognitive studies to mean that an attitude exists “in relation to anything whatsoever that one thinks about” (20). This applies to both factual and imagined beliefs. Attitude breaks down further into cognitive and conative and enables choices and actions (discussed in Chapter Two).
With this context, Van Leeuwen returns to the playground parable and asks what the cognitive attitudes are for the two-map cognitive structure in the playground parable characters. He first responds by highlighting that the verb “believe” can encompass distinct cognitive attitudes toward the content. For example, “Jane believesthat John Madden is alive” (i.e., Jane factually believes because she missed the news) is a different cognitive attitude of belief than “Fred believes that Jesus Christ is alive” (i.e., Fred religiously creeds because he holds a “reverential, identity forming attitude toward the idea,” or the content [21]). Subsequently, Van Leeuwen returns to the two theses he explains in Chapter One: the distinct attitude thesis and the imagination thesis. He offers three methodological points based on his distinction of fictionally imagining and factually believing as well as religiously creeding and factually believing (wherein fictionally imagining is distinct from religiously creeding).
- Religious credence and factual belief are cognitive attitudes, not about what is true or false, and are about the relation between content and reality. That is, cognitive attitudes are true or false in terms of alignment with reality.
- Religious credence can have factual content, and factual belief can have religious content.
- “We should think of [cognitive] attitudes as being clusters within a property space, where certain features systematically tend to go together, but not as a matter of necessity” (24).
All the preceding discussion is imperative because philosophers and cognitive scientists still miss the attitude-content distinction. Finally, since any content can be paired with any cognitive attitude, Van Leeuwen suggests anything can be sacralized”(27). As Van Leeuwen comments, “Just as one can play games of make-believe concerning any topic, so, too, can one play sacralized games of make-believe concerning any topic” (27).
In Chapter Two, Van Leeuwen describes his theory of cognitive attitudes. First, he points toward Hume, who asks about the difference between fiction and belief. This distinction, Van Leeuwen suggests, maps onto the cognitive attitudes detailed in Chapter One. Here, Van Leeuwen is not satisfied with Hume’s answer. So, this chapter addresses Hume’s question and introduces additional cognitive attitudes beyond factual belief and fictional imagining, which Van Leeuwen calls secondary cognitive attitudes.
Second, Van Leeuwen applies three desiderata (i.e., goalposts and standards) for an adequate theory about belief:
- “A theory of belief or imagining (or any cognitive attitude) should say what distinguishes one cognitive attitude from the other” (29). For example, what distinguishes fictional imagining, factually believing, and hypothesizing?
- “A theory of (factual) belief and other cognitive attitudes should unify philosophical and psychological research on those topics” (30).
- “A theory of (factual) belief should help explain why people hold beliefs to more stringent norms of rationality than they do for other cognitive attitudes” (31).
To this end, Van Leeuwen starts to explore factual beliefs as opposed to other degrees of belief (e.g., religious or hypothesized). Understanding factual beliefs, he suggests, can illuminate where other belief types “fall within the space of cognitive attitudes” (31). So, what exactly makes factual belief cognitively more than imagining? The Hume-Davidson theory fails to address this question because desire plus factual belief yields action just as much as desire plus imagining. Thus, the Hume-Davidson theory fails to address the first desideratum.
In order to fulfill this desideratum and characterize the “more” that factual belief constitutes, Van Leeuwen theorizes four aspects that explain how and why factual belief is more than imagining. These elements, which he details over the subsequent 25 pages, are as follows:
- Involuntariness: if you factually believe it, you can’t help believing it.
- No compartmentalization: factual beliefs guide action across the board.
- Cognitive governance: factual beliefs guide inferences in imagination.
- Evidential vulnerability: factual beliefs respond to evidence (32).
For the sake of space, I will not summarize all 25 pages of detail beyond this concise list, though they are worth exploring in full. Instead, I highlight the following noteworthy points.
- By implication, these four items (when all active) mean a factual belief exists on the first of the two cognitive maps.
- He nuances these four points overall in three ways:
- “Any person has a host of factual beliefs that satisfy all four principles” (34-35).
- “Any cognitive attitude that contrasts with factual beliefs on all four principles is not factual belief – rather, it’s a secondary cognitive attitude” (35).
- While these four principles “define the space of cognitive attitudes,” “some mental states may exist that satisfy some of the principles but not others since the principles are logically independent of one another” (35).
- Involuntariness
- While factual belief and imagining both involve voluntary control, factual belief involves voluntariness “to a far lesser and severely limited degree” (36).
- “Factual beliefs, in combination with desires, form the basic level that structures volition” (39).
- Factual belief and imagining are asymmetrically related: “Factual beliefs help us choose what to imagine, but that’s not true vice versa, since factual beliefs aren’t chosen at all” (39).
- No Compartmentalization
- Factual beliefs form the cognitive bedrock for imagining and thus cannot be compartmentalized into distinct episodes of imagining.
- The factual belief forms the first map, whereas the second map is where the secondary cognitive attitudes (e.g., imagining) are at play.
- These episodes that are compartmentalized include episodes with limited duration, signals to start and stop the episode, and an expectation of assigning “objects, places, and events . . . values other than what they are factually believed to be” (42).
- “Factual beliefs are active in representing the boundaries of the compartment” (44).
- Cognitive Governance
- “Factual beliefs supply information for the imagination to use, and imaginings are informed by factual beliefs in this way” (47).
- Even imaginings depend on underlying factual beliefs (i.e., cognitive governance), such as the imagining that turning on an imaginary spigot assumes the factual belief that turning on a spigot results in flowing water.
- With Van Leeuwen’s two-map model, the second map (secondary cognitive attitude) imports elements from the first map (factual belief) but never vice versa.
- More broadly, factual beliefs govern all secondary cognitive attitudes, not just imagining.
- Evidential Vulnerability
- People readily revise factual beliefs when new evidence arises.
All these elements at play simultaneously, Van Leeuwen argues, mean something is a factual belief and exists on the first cognitive map. When these elements are not all at play, the cognitive attitude is a secondary cognitive attitude, not a factual belief, and exists on the second map. Ultimately, “factual beliefs are . . . conditions for the possibility of having and using the other maps – the other cognitive attitudes” (62). All these items fit nicely with the elements he introduced in Chapter One and the prologue: “a two-map cognitive structure, nonconfusion, and continual reality tracking” (62).
In Chapter Three, Van Leeuwen begins to address one of his central questions: “What cognitive attitude or attitudes do religious ‘believers’ have toward their stories and doctrines about deities, demons, angels, dead ancestors, and other supernatural entities” (64)? First, he distinguishes between general and particular one-map theories and two-map theories, where the general theory relates to the broad idea and the practical theory is a more concrete claim. Importantly, Van Leeuwen recognizes that the one-map theory has value in some cases but suggests the two-map structure is more common (i.e., all things such as the supernatural as factual belief [one-map structure] vs. factual belief layered beneath religious credence [two-map structure]). Second, he demonstrates the theoretical value of the two-layer map by examining evidence from the Vineyard movement. He does so by showing that evidence from the Vineyard movement shows a clear distinction between the factual belief map (the first map) and the second map (secondary cognitive attitudes). He structures his argument for religious credence as distinct from factual belief by comparing the Vineyard movement’s “belief” with the four requirements for something to be factual belief.
On belief voluntariness, Van Leeuwen articulates four elements that show the Vineyard movement beliefs are rooted in factual beliefs as secondary cognitive attitudes: personal religious credences are “expressed as a matter of choice” (75), general religious credences involve choosing a specific church/religion, the idea of becoming Christian is framed as a choice, and “Vineyard members . . . deliberately (re)shape their internal descriptions of God to achieve therapeutic/self-help ends” (76). All these religious credences are informed by factual belief, the “cognitive inputs into the choice to hold many religious credences” (76).
On the compartmentalization of Vineyard people’s beliefs, he demonstrates how and where factual beliefs guide actions and what people religiously creed (i.e., the secondary cognitive attitude). In particular, Van Leeuwen highlights how sacred times (i.e., Sundays) and rituals meant to bolster belief are not forms of factual belief because they are compartmentalized to specific moments or places, specific episodes. He uses demonic influence as an example, showing that a shock from an electrical outlet is parsed as demonic in a religious setting, but such religious credence “becomes deactivated outside the religious setting” (80). More broadly, he concludes that “religious practical settings are constituted by participants’ expectations of limitedness in time and space, of characteristic cues that mark the limits, and of alternate assigned identities that obtain within the relevant limits” (81).
Van Leeuwen finally links these ideas to one of his central claims: factual beliefs manage secondary cognitive attitudes, and religious credence is a secondary cognitive attitude. Importantly, secondary cognitive attitudes do not determine factual belief.
On cognitive governance, Van Leeuwen shows how religious credence beliefs at Vineyard have limited cognitive governance, meaning they cannot be factual beliefs. In particular, Van Leeuwen highlights that prayers are based on factual beliefs (e.g., nobody prays for a carburetor to work the way it is not supposed to). Instead, people pray for and make changes to the natural world (factual beliefs) and later form “the religious credence that that had been God’s handiwork” (87). He also notes that people still continue nonreligious activities even when praying for those same things, which is likewise credited to God “post hoc as a gloss on any favorable naturalistic outcomes” (89). Thus, he concludes “the underlying factual belief layer is not redrawn by the transparency, though the images on the transparency may obscure some of its details” (91).
Finally, Van Leeuwen shows that religious credence is not evidentially vulnerable for four reasons: 1) Vineyard members “say they hold their ‘faith’ even without evidence or even in the face of contrary evidence” (92); 2) “members say they have a ‘choice’ about what to ‘believe’ ” (93); 3) members doubt religious beliefs (93); and 4) people stop Vineyard beliefs for social reasons (95). Thus, Van Leeuwen concludes, “This all supports the claim that there exists a ‘belief’ type that is not evidentially vulnerable, which means there is a ‘belief’ type that is not like factual belief when it comes to evidential vulnerability” (96).
With all this evidence, Van Leeuwen effectively demonstrates that religious credence is a secondary cognitive attitude distinct from factual belief.
In Chapter Four, Van Leeuwen considers the extent to which the model works around the world. He frames this discussion by acknowledging a potential criticism of his claim that the two-map cognitive theory of religion can work worldwide. That is, perhaps this model only works for WEIRD (Western, educated, industrial, rich, democratic) people. So, he presents evidence for each of the four factual belief aspects. In each section, he demonstrates the two-map cognitive structure is at play, not the one-map cognitive structure.
In Chapter Five, Van Leeuwen tries to disentangle “think” and “belief” as cognitive attitudes rooted in factual belief and religious credence, respectively. First, he narrates the experiences and anecdotal evidence that led him to conduct more rigorous studies on religious belief as opposed to factual belief. The initial study indicated that participants distinguished between factual beliefs and religious beliefs in everyday discourse. A subsequent study outside of the United States, Van Leeuwen notes, illustrated that people in non-Western societies also distinguish between factual belief and religious belief. Second, Van Leeuwen considers how people view the difference between religious credence and factual belief. Such a normative view appears in the statement “There’s no point in arguing with someone’s beliefs.” For most people, this common adage only applies to religious credence, not factual belief, Van Leeuwen suggests. So, he argues that people hold two expectations/norms: one relating to factual belief wherein change is likely through new evidence and disagreement is appropriate and another wherein change is unlikely through new evidence and disagreement is normatively viewed as inappropriate.
Van Leeuwen substantiates this claim by highlighting how a study on attitudes toward disagreement demonstrates the idea. He comments, “That people harbor different expectations and norms concerning factual beliefs and religious credences helps explain the interesting data that emerges in these studies” (142). As Van Leeuwen notes, material from previous chapters supports his claim. Thus, people view factual belief and religious credence with distinct norms and expectations. One key nuance Van Leeuwen acknowledges is the lack of cross-cultural studies demonstrating his argument. As such, he concludes that although believe/belief is often imprecise, it is helpful as a term of art indicating the secondary cognitive attitudes.
In Chapter Six, Van Leeuwen links belief with identity with a simple idea: “If a belief guides practical actions, it works best if it is true, but if a ‘belief defines a group identity, then it can still work or even work better if it is not true” (147). In this vein, “religious credence plays an in-group defining role; factual belief plays the action-guiding role” (148). He articulates this idea by positing and detailing two explanatory roles regarding religious credence and factual belief. Factual belief, he suggests, serves a “mundane explanatory role” wherein the content of the factual belief enables one to achieve their goals. By contrast, religious credence functions more to “explain what identity group [someone] belong[s] to” (151), which he terms the “groupish explanatory role.” To this end, he draws a line between the two, noting that “groupish belief does not need to be true for the actions they motivate to signal group solidarity” (152). Thus, for religious credence, Van Leeuwen suggests the groupish beliefs can be false but nonetheless foster “group solidarity through the symbolic actions they generate” (154).
Next, he details the various forms of identity, identifies various features of group identities, and explains how “groupish beliefs help constitute group identities” (160). Van Leeuwen succinctly describes the key to this section: “The collective roles that Groupish beliefs play in constituting group identity put essentially no pressure on them to be true or track evidence – and some of these roles even put pressure on them to be, as it were, allergic to evidence and truth” (163).
Finally, Van Leeuwen shows how religious credence, and associated groupish beliefs, are distinct from factual belief. He does so by arguing that group beliefs are not evidentially vulnerable, lack cognitive governance, are compartmentalized, and are voluntary. Thus, he concludes with his groupish credence thesis: “Religious credences differ from factual beliefs in the ways they do in part because they are Groupish beliefs” (172). He concludes by arguing that the two-map theory is better than the one-map theory at distinguishing sincere religious people from religious fakers, noting the gray areas.
In Chapter Seven, Van Leeuwen explores how “sacred values differ from ordinary preferences” (179) based on his claim that “religious credences are the identity-constituting imaginative attitudes that generate symbolic actions and fold people, places, and things into sacralizing doctrines and stories” (178). First, he describes four ways that sacred values differ from ordinary values: 1) humans value sacred objects differently than ordinary objects; 2) what is sacred varies from person to person and culture to culture; 3) anything can be sacralized; and 4) “sacred valuing involves imbuing every day, nonsacred objects with an imagined significance” (181), and such imaginings are religious credences.
Second, Van Leeuwen uses the golden plates of the Book of Mormon as a case study for a sacred object. Here, he suggests that the golden plates, which nobody really saw, were imbued with sacred value by religiously creeding 1) the metal plates within a supernatural narrative and 2) symbolic actions for representing the tablets.
Third, Van Leeuwen highlights six ways in which sacred values – in contrast with economic utility and rational choice theory – are features of behavior, not glitches or bugs. These six features – which “come in degrees and are logically independent of one another” (185) – include the following: 1) constitutive incommensurability (contemplating exchanging the sacred for the mundane or utilitarian yields a response of outrage); 2) incentive outrage (adding incentives to trade the sacred for the utilitarian triggers more of an outrage response); 3) insensitivity to the probability of success (“sacred values do not diminish when someone learns actions are less likely to succeed” [187]); 4) no temporal discounting (sacred value placed on an entity “is insensitive to how far it is in the future” [188]); 5) contagion thinking (nonsacred entities in contact with sacred entities either pollute the sacred entity or make sacred the originally nonsacred entity); and 6) group identity constitution (if an entity is sacred, “treating that entity as inviolable is a criterion of inclusion in one’s relevant group identity” [189]). Here Van Leeuwen offers an important nuance: “Sacred entities continue to be valued by the utilitarian value system under their mundane description” (190).
Fourth, Van Leeuwen identifies two puzzles in the tension between the sacred and utilitarian: why do people shun rational actions when it would help them achieve “their sacred aims” (191) and why are so many sacred entities “so easily discarded or replaced” (192)? Finally, and fifth, Van Leeuwen links the religious credence attitude to sacred values in a way that resolves the two puzzles. He answers this by first putting forward four claims:
- “many religious credences people have describe supernatural entities that those people can’t locate in space” (192).
- “Many religious credences link particular, concrete entities or spaces from the person’s sensible world to the supernatural entities described by detached religious credences” (193).
- “If a person’s linking religious credences designate some specific, concrete entity in the tangible world as linked to one of the supernatural entities described by detached religious credences, then that person’s sacred value system attaches to that specific concrete entity” (193).
- “People with linking religious credences continue to have mostly accurate factual beliefs about the linked entities from the sensible world; such factual beliefs largely correspond to those they would have had about those sensible entities had they not had the linking religious credences” (194).
The first question/puzzle of easily discarding or replacing sacred entities, he suggests, is explained primarily by claims 4, 3, and 1. The second question/puzzle of not using rational actions when they can help achieve sacred aims, Van Leeuwen argues, is the result of the sacred entity, the prop item that is typically mundane (item 4 above), enabling symbolic action and representing superordinary entities through the mundane. Thus, he links factual belief, religious credence, and sacred values to establish that factual belief is a different cognitive attitude than other secondary cognitive attitudes, such as religious credence or fictionally imagining.
He concludes the chapter: “What has emerged is a preliminary action theory of symbolic sacred action: symbolic sacred action is representational make-believe play, the execution of which is backed by the imperative force of sacred values” (197-198).
In Chapter 8, Van Leeuwen considers how his theory explains what he calls The Puzzle of Religious Rationality. The puzzle, in short, is that although humans are rational creatures who can live in the world with great success via rationality, we simultaneously hold religious beliefs that are typically not considered rational (199). He posits that his theory of distinct attitudes explains this puzzle, inasmuch as the factual belief cognitive attitude uses rational processing but things like religious belief, or religious credences, are a distinct, secondary cognitive attitude that cannot be expected “to rationally cohere with evidence or be internally coherent at all” (202), akin to how one has different cognitive constraints for imagining and make-believing in comparison to factually believing. He demonstrates the validity of his approach by analyzing other solutions to the puzzle and where his theory is a more helpful explanatory model, though I will not describe every solution with which he engages.
In the epilogue, three elements are distinct and notable as limits and show how Van Leeuwen envisions others using his work. First, the simple theory of the book is that “fragments of the multifarious social phenomena we call religions are large-scale versions of that: games of make-believe that define a group” (231). Second, he hopes that his research especially contributes to refining how we discuss “belief.” Third, having distinguished between factual belief and secondary cognitive attitudes, he returns to an important question but does not answer it: “Can religious credences also partly constitute knowledge in the same way” (234) as factual beliefs, albeit in a different cognitive vein? These points, among others, in the epilogue caught my attention. And as he hoped would happen per the final page of his book, I finished reading his book with a better understanding of my mind and others’ minds.
Continuing the Conversation (Critiques and Engagement)
First, Chapter 4, wherein Van Leeuwen tries to demonstrate the two-map theory’s presence throughout the world, risks losing its vigor as scholars from the areas he cites engage with it in more detail. Indeed, he presents quite a bit of evidence to substantiate his claim about the secondary cognitive attitude of religious credence, thereby evidencing the two-map cognitive structure. He points to the Vineyard members; “how Sesotho speakers in Southern Africa” (102) maintained a biological explanation and supernatural explanations for AIDS; explanatory coexistence (as with Southern Africa) for coexisting naturalistic and supernatural ideas in children, Mexico, and China; a case from precolonial Nigeria; Exodus 32; Mormonism; Alcoholics Anonymous; forced conversion; the Vezo tribe in Madagascar; and more. Now, to be clear, the wealth of evidence is convincing; however, specialists in the various areas he mentions will, in typical academic fashion, likely disagree with how he interprets or reads such scholarship or texts. I hope to see more scholars in these disparate areas engage with Van Leeuwen so that he can refine his arguments and eliminate the dross from his examples.
Second, and this question is beyond the scope of Van Leeuwen’s work but remains worth considering: Even if we accept Van Leeuwen’s two-map theory, it would be worth exploring how technologies like the Internet, social media platforms, and marketing shape the first map layer that is factual beliefs. That is, Van Leeuwen’s clean-cut between factual beliefs and other secondary cognitive attitudes, while helpful in certain circumstances, may sometimes be more messy than how he presents it in this book.
Third, one area Van Leeuwen’s work can be helpful for is in explaining the perceived overlap between fandom and religion. As he discusses extensively in chapter seven, religious credence is “imagining plus group identity and sacred value” (16). To be clear, I am not claiming that fandoms might be equivalent to religious credence, but I am suggesting that fandom as a secondary cognitive attitude (let’s call it fandomizing) may include features very similar to religious credence that are nonetheless distinct. For example, fandom may have a stronger distinction between factual belief and fandomizing than factual belief and religious “belief”/credence. Similarly, religious credence and fandomizing serve in-group defining roles, involve sacralizing objects, and engage with beliefs and ideas that some might not consider rational. Moreover, fandomizing is part of the broader phenomenon of make-believe that subsumes both fan fictionalizing and religious credence. So, while I am not an expert in fandoms, I do think it would be worth exploring how Van Leeuwen’s work can support fandom studies and address the nebulous overlap between religious credence and fandomizing.
Fourth, and this is beyond the scope of his work, I wonder if Van Leeuwen’s framework can help explain variations within ancient literary corpora as originating from deities. For instance, if a Mesopotamian scribe claims, “Text A, which I copied from Person B, which Deity C handed down to him,” could we view this as evidence of the first cognitive map (factual belief) being activated at the same time as the second cognitive map (religious credence)? Or would Deity C’s actions in this example, in fact, be something that the scribe factually believed? In order to address this issue, I would have to examine that potential against the four standards for factual belief. While I have no answer or solution here, I am confident that Van Leeuwen’s framework can help untangle how scribes may have perceived the content that they worked with in terms of factual belief (which maps onto the historical reality) and religious credence (which is less likely to align with the historical reality).
In a similar way, Van Leeuwen’s work ought to encourage scholars of ancient religion to explore the extent to which secondary cognitive attitudes are built into the languages and narrative structures of, for example, ancient Israelite and Judean literature. Is the language that might distinguish the two cognitive layers only evident through context (i.e., akin to Van Leeuwen’s example of the belief that John Madden is alive versus the belief that Jesus is alive) or through philology and semantic distinctions between different verbal roots? Again, I have no answer, but I am excited at the potential for Van Leeuwen’s approach to shed light on ancient Israelite and Judean religion.
Conclusion
In conclusion, I highly recommend engaging with Van Leeuwen’s Religion as Make-Believe. Indeed, most people will identify elements that are problematic and should engage with those elements. Even this review has not engaged and raised all criticisms and questions I have regarding his arguments. The book overall, though, offers a vivid, well-argued explanation for religious credence as a secondary cognitive attitude and should be a cornerstone to any consideration of how religion works in various contexts.